Struggling Readers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words - 1

Struggling Readers - Essay Example se of reading difficulties, how to assess reading difficulties, remedy for struggling readers, and the extent to which struggling readers can be remediated. Struggling readers experience problems in multiple areas. It is important to compare students suspected to have reading difficulties with others in order to clearly identify a child who is struggling to read. Why all the efforts to help struggling readers? Experts in entirely all disciplines are continually searching for the most effective methods to master the necessary skills in order to succeed, reading skills are not an exception. Children are introduced to many things at a tender age to increase the chances of mastering skills early enough that boosts the chances of being successful. The stage a child should begin learning to read has been a prevalent question in most people especially parents. Reading difficulties may at any stage and this calls for early intervention measures. This paper seeks to explore on reading difficu lties, their causes and possible interventions. Identification of struggling readers is very important. Most struggling readers can only be helped if early interventions are made through the development of early reading skills. Delays in the identification of such readers results in a delay in the provision of appropriate and effective reading instruction. Assessment of learners can easily identify struggling learners. Such an assessment may involve text reading in combination with other aspects as student’s performance on measures like word reading and automatic word recognition. Assessment of a students knowledge on the alphabets, phonemic awareness, processing of phonologies, vocabulary reading and reading fluency are key in the identification of struggling readers. Early identification prevents persistence of reading problems making the problem more complex and lowering reading related attitudes and motivation. Word level processing skills form of identification emphasis on

African American Contributions to American History Essay Example for Free

African American Contributions to American History Essay Many blacks contributed to the success of our country in every war that we as a people have ever fought. In order to properly thank them for their heroic effort, I as a Hispanic Caucasian must give credit where credit is due. In order to properly do so, I must begin with the contributions of â€Å"Black America† beginning with the American Revolution and continue up until the World War II. Make no mistake blacks made contributions well past World War II, but in the interest of time and accuracy I must stay within the confines of our earlier history. One main aspect that should be analyzed is the fact that no matter how hard the struggle, blacks have always overcome adversity no matter what the cost. Of course, contributions made by blacks are not limited to war alone, but include a wide spectrum of achievements that have advanced civilization as a whole. My personal respect and thanks go to all people who have served and continue to serve this country at any capacity. But we must never forget the contributions made by our black brothers and sisters who gave their lives fighting for a cause that so greatly affected their lives as well as our well being. Charles Dickens said it best in his book A Tale of Two Cities, â€Å"It was the best of times it was the worst of times†. The American Revolution was a time of great struggle for people of all races. But, Blacks in particular understood the literal meaning of patriot rhetoric, eagerly took up the cause of American freedom, fighting bravely in the early confrontations with the British. Though the revolution freed some blacks and set the country on a course toward the abolition of slavery, political accommodation to plantation owners forestalled emancipation for many blacks in the south for 90 more years. A black man was one of the first martyrs of the patriot cause. Crispus Attucks, apparently a slave who had run away from his owner 20 years before, died in the Boston Massacre in 1770. Though facts were disputed at trials then as now, witnesses said Attucks hit a British officer with a large piece of firewood, grabbed a bayonet and urged the crowd to attack just before the British fired. Attucks and two others were killed while eight were wounded, two mortally. Blacks served at the battles of Lexington and Concord. Peter Salem, a freed slave, stood on the green at Lexington facing the British when the first battle broke out with the shot that was heard around the world. One of the last men wounded in the battle as the British escaped to Boston was Prince Estabrook, a black man from West Lexington. At least 20 blacks, including Peter Salem, were in the ranks two months later when the British attacked an American position outside Boston in the Battle of Bunker Hill. Salem has been honored for firing the shot that killed Major John Pitcairn, the British officer who led the Redcoats when they had attacked his small unit at Lexington. Unable to venture outside Boston and then threatened with cannon surrounding the city, the British left Boston for New York. As the war changed from a Massachusetts endeavor to a broader conflict throughout the colonies, the politics of race changed dramatically. Blacks had been welcomed in the New England militia, but Congress initially decided against having them in the Continental army. Congress needed support from the South if all the colonies were to win their independence from England. Since southern plantation owners wanted to keep their slaves, they were afraid to give guns to blacks. Congress ordered all blacks removed from the army, but black veterans appealed directly to George Washington, who took up their cause with John Hancock, president of the Continental Congress. Blacks serving in the army were allowed to stay, but new enlistments were forbidden. Though the Declaration of Independence declared that all men were created equal, many blacks soon saw more opportunity on the British side. The British governor of Virginia promised immediate freedom and wages to any slave who would join the Kings army. Hundreds flocked to the standard of the governor, Lord Dunmore, but he was denied a base on the land by the American forces and many of the blacks who joined him died of smallpox on overcrowded ships. The loyalty of blacks was a serious issue for the American leaders because blacks made up one-fifth of the two million people in the colonies. With the British soldiers already outnumbering the American troops, and recruitment difficult for the patriots, the northern colonies soon again began to enlist blacks. Rhode Island made up a regiment almost entirely of blacks. As the war continued, colonies as far south as Maryland and Virginia were recruiting free blacks for the American cause. As the war spread into the South, Congress found it needed to recruit slaves. It offered to pay South Carolina slave owners $1,000 for able-bodied male slaves. The slaves would receive no pay, but would be given $50 and their freedom at the end of the war if they served well and faithfully. The South Carolina Assembly threatened to leave the war, dooming the plan in the southernmost colonies. Recruitment of blacks to the American cause continued further north, but the patriots had less success than the British. The offer of immediate freedom extended by Virginia’s unfortunate loyalist governor was eventually made by the British throughout the colonies. Slaves joined the British by the tens of thousands. The fate of the loyalist blacks varied considerably. Some were captured by Americans and either returned to their masters or treated as war loot and sold back into slavery. Approximately 20,000 were with the British at the end of the war, taken to Canada or the Caribbean. Some became the founders of the British colony of Sierra Leone in West Africa. Even though the British offered slaves a better deal, many blacks served on the American side. They made up a sizeable share of the men in the Continental navy, state navies and the large force of American privateers. Blacks had long been in the labor force on ships and at seaports. On the water, then as now, skill counted for more than politics. The precise role of blacks in the revolution is difficult to quantify. Blacks in those days generally did not write. The people who did write early histories of the revolution were whites and concentrated on the efforts of white men. Also, many participants in the revolution were not specifically identified by race in the documents of the time and historians now have no way of knowing whether they were black. When blacks were allowed to serve in the American military, they often did work as laborers, sometimes in addition to regular soldier duties. Usually they were privates, though a few rose to command small groups of men. The words of the Declaration of Independence were taken literally by blacks and some whites. In, 1780, Pennsylvania became the first colony to pass a law phasing out slavery. Children born to slaves after that date were granted their freedom when they reached 28. Other northern states followed. The Superior Court of Massachusetts held in 1783 that slavery violated the state constitution, and New Hampshire also ended slavery by a court ruling. Vermont outlawed slavery and Connecticut and Rhode Island passed gradual emancipation laws. New York outlawed slavery in 1799 and New Jersey followed in 1804. The international slave trade was outlawed in 1808. Progress then came to a stop. A boom in cotton production spread the slave economy into the lower Mississippi Valley. Slave states were careful to control at least half the political power in the federal government, blocking any national movement against slavery until the Civil War. The 54th Massachusetts Regiment On January 1, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, freeing the slaves in the rebelling territories of the confederacy and authorizing Black enlistment in the Union Army. Since the beginning of the Civil War, free Black people in general, and Black Bostonians in particular, were ready to gather arms on behalf of the Union, yet they were prevented from doing so. Popular racial stereotypes and institutional discrimination against Blacks in the military contributed to the prevailing myth that Black men lacked the intelligence and bravery necessary to serve their country. By the fall of 1862, however, the lack of White Union enlistment and confederate victories at Antietem forced the U. S. government to reconsider its racist policy. As Congress met in October to address the issue of Black enlistment, various troops of Black volunteers had already been organized, including the First South Carolina and the Kansas Colored Troops. It wasnt until January 26, 1863; however, that secretary of war Edwin Stanton authorized the enlistment of Black troops. As a result, the 54th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteer infantry was founded, becoming the first all-Black Union regiment raised in the north. Training began for Black volunteers at Camp Meigs in Reedville, MA on February 21, 1863. Although some members of the community voiced opposition to the prevention of Black men from achieving the rank of colonel or officer, most community activists urged Black men to seize the opportunity to serve in the Union forces. The fear many Black volunteers had about the potential racism of White officers and colonels was calmed when Massachusetts Governor John Andrew assured Bostonians that White officers assigned to the 54th Regiment would be young men of military experience, of firm anti-slavery principles, ambitious, superior to a vulgar contempt for color, and having faith in the capacity of colored men for military service. Andrew held to his word, appointing 25-year-old Robert Gould Shaw as colonel and George P. Hallowell as Lieutenant. The son of wealthy abolitionists, Shaw had been educated in Europe and at Harvard before joining the seventh New York National Guard in 1861. In 1862, when Governor Andrew contacted Shaws father about the prospect of commissioning his son as colonel of the soon-to-be organized fifty-fourth, Shaw was an officer in the Second Massachusetts Infantry. Although reluctant to accept the commission, Shaw eventually became colonel. By the time training began at Camp Meigs, Shaw and his officers began work with the soldiers whose bravery would forever change public perception of Black military skill and valor. Black community leaders across the country such as Frederick Douglass and William Wells Brown served as recruiting agents for the Union army. As a result, over 1000 volunteers enlisted in the 54th Regiment, a response so overwhelming that Massachusetts organized a second Black regiment, the fifty-fifth. Men of the fifty-fourth represented twenty-four states, the District of Columbia, the West Indies, and Africa. Approximately 25% of them had been slaves, over 50% were literate, and, although as civilians they had worked in forty-six different occupations, the overwhelming majorities (55%) were common laborers. Regardless of origin, occupation, or social class, the men of the 54th Regiment both inspired Bostons Black community and provided a symbol of pride for abolitionists across the country. Activists such as William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass visited Camp Meigs to show their support. Although the organization of the 54th Regiment resolved the conflict over Black enlistment in the Union army, the struggle of Black soldiers to gain respect in the military was just beginning. Upon arrival in the south, the Black soldiers were often treated as common laborers and the potential for their valor on the battlefield was disregarded. Upon arriving in Georgia on June 11, they were ordered by Col. James Montgomery of the Department of the South to raid the town of Darien. Reports of Black soldiers burning buildings and ravaging the homes of townspeople confirmed stereotypes of Black soldiers as un-trainable brutes. Col. Shaw found the raid on Darien barbarous and distasteful, and sent a letter to Brigadier General George C. Strong, requesting that the men be used in the planned attack on Fort Wagner, South Carolina. On July 16, the 54th Regiment fought alongside White soldiers of the 10th Connecticut Infantry in a skirmish on James Island, SC. This battle redeemed the Black soldiers fighting ability in the eyes of White skeptics, including General Strong, who commanded the 54th Regiment to lead the assault on Fort Wagner, scheduled for July 18. Strategically, a successful attack on Fort Wagner would allow Union forces to seize control of Charleston Harbor. Located on Morris Island, Fort Wagner protected Battery Gregg overlooking Fort Sumter. Thus, seizure of Fort Wagner was valuable because it enabled the Union to shell Sumter and close the harbor to confederate blockade runners, thereby paving the way for further Union attack on Charleston. Fort Wagner was located at the northern tip of Morris Island, and was controlled by 1700 troops and 17 artillery guns. Depleted to just over 600 men by the skirmish two days previous, the men of the 54th Regiment were ordered to lead the assault on Fort Wagner with the backing of regiments from New York, Connecticut, Maine, and Pennsylvania. Before the charge commenced, Colonel Shaw ordered the regiment to prove yourselves as men. Within 200 feet of the Fort, the confederates began to attack as the brave men of the 54th Regiment struggled through darkness, four-foot deep water, and marshland. Colonel Shaw, accompanied by dwindling numbers of dying men, managed to reach the top of the parapet where a bitter hand-to-hand combat ensued, the Black Union soldiers with bayonets against the White Confederate soldiers with handspikes and gun rammers. Colonel Shaw was mortally wounded with a pierce through the heart, along with a dozen of his men. Meanwhile, members of the 54th Regiment some wounded, some dying began to retreat; those who refused to back down were taken prisoner. As the smoke cleared, evidence of Confederate victory was immediately apparent, with 174 Rebel casualties and 1515 Union soldiers dead or wounded. Of the eleven regiments who participated in the Union assault, the fifty-forth Regiment accrued the most casualties, with 256 of their 600 men dead or wounded. Despite the heavy losses, the assault on Fort Wagner proved to the nation and the world the valor of Black soldiers in general and the men of the 54th Regiment in particular. From the ranks of the fifty-forth came stories of unfailing patriotism and undying glory. The men of the 54th Massachusetts Regiment, their White officers, colonel, and allies, not only struck a blow for American freedom and unity, they also proved to the nation and the world the valor, bravery, and devotion of African American soldiers. In the sacrifice made by Col. Shaw and his soldiers, Americans witnessed, for the first time, the supremacy of equality over racism, discrimination, and ignorance. Upon his death at Fort Wagner, the body of Col. Shaw was placed in a mass grave on Morris Island along with the bodies of his soldiers. The lack of proper military burial for a man who had distinguished himself as a soldier and as a leader was intended to insult the honor of Shaw and his family, who were deemed as race traitors by Confederates and White unionists alike. However, upon learning that his son had been buried with his black soldiers, Francis Shaw stated, with dignity, that We hold that a soldiers most appropriate burial place is on the field where he has fallen. This statement and the honor displayed by the Shaw family and veterans of the fifty-fourth helped immortalize Shaw and his men as symbols of the Civil War battle for unity and equality. As a result of the 54th Regiment, over 180,000 Black men enlisted under the Union flag between 1863 and 1865. AFRICAN AMERICAN MILITARY SERVICE from WWI through WWII. During the global conflicts of the first half of the 20th century, U. S. servicemen fought in Europe for the first time in the nation’s history. African Americans were among the troops committed to combat in World War I (WWI) and World War II (WWII), even though they and other black Americans were denied the full blessings of the freedom for which the United States had pledged to fight. Traditional racist views about the use of black troops in combat initially excluded African Americans from the early recruiting efforts and much of the actual combat in both wars. Nonetheless, large numbers of African Americans still volunteered to fight for their country in 1917-18 and 1940-45. Once again, many black servicemen hoped their military contribution and sacrifice would prove to their white countrymen that African Americans desired and deserved a fully participatory role in U. S. society. Unfortunately, the deeply entrenched negative racial attitudes prevalent among much of the white American population, including many of the nation’s top military and civilian leaders, made it very difficult for blacks to serve in the military establishment of this period. African-American servicemen suffered numerous indignities and received little respect from white troops and civilians alike. The historic contributions by blacks to the defense of the United States were usually ignored or downplayed, while combat failures similar to those of whites and violent racial incidents often provoked by whites were exaggerated into a condemnation of all African Americans. In the Jim Crow world of pre-1945 America, black servicemen confronted not only the hostility of enemies abroad but that of enemies at home. African-American soldiers and sailors had two formidable obstacles to deal with: discrimination and segregation. Yet, black servicemen in both world wars repeatedly demonstrated their bravery, loyalty, and ability in combat or in support of frontline troops. Oftentimes, they accomplished these tasks without proper training or adequate equipment. Poor communications and a lack of rapport with their white officers were two additional burdens hampering the effectiveness and efficiency of African Americans in the military. Too frequently, there was little or no recognition or gratitude for their accomplishments. One of the worst slights of both wars was the willingness of the white establishment to allow racism to influence the award of the prestigious Medal of Honor. Although several exceptionally heroic African Americans performed deeds worthy of this honor, not one received at the time the award that their bravery and self-sacrifice deserved. It took over 70 years for the United States to rectify this error for WWI and over 50 years for WWII. Despite the hardships and second-class status, their participation in both wars helped to transform many African-American veterans as well as helped to eventually change the United States. Though still limited by discrimination and segregation at home, their sojourn in Europe during WWI and WWII made many black servicemen aware that the racial attitudes so common among white Americans did not prevail everywhere else. The knowledge that skin color did not preclude dignity and respect made many black veterans unwilling to submit quietly to continuing racial discrimination once they returned to the United States. In addition, the growing importance of black votes beginning in the 1930s and 1940s forced the nation’s political and military leaders to pay more attention to African Americans’ demands, particularly in regard to the military. Although it was a tedious and frustrating process, one too often marked by cosmetic changes rather than real reform, by the end of WWII, the U. S. military establishment slowly began to make some headway against racial discrimination and segregation within its ranks. The stage was set for President Harry S Truman’s landmark executive order of 26 July 1948. Another main contribution of note would be the trails and tribulations of the Tuskegee Airmen. In the 1940s, it was still believed that Blacks were incapable of flying aircraft. This myth was dispelled with the help of the U. S. Congress. On June 27, 1939 THE CIVILIAN PILOT TRAINING ACT was passed. This solitary ACT helped to create a reserve of civilian pilots to be called in case of War. Young black pilots were given the opportunity to train with U. S. approved programs located at TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE. The SELECTIVE SERVICE ACT OF 1940 also increased the opportunity for a broader participation of Blacks in the military when it banned discrimination in the selection and training of all American citizens because of race and color. The success of the CIVILIAN PILOT TRAINING ACT helped put the 99TH PURSUIT SQUADRON OF TUSKEGEE on the map. It was said that the success of Negro youth in the Army Air Force would be predicated upon the success of the Tuskegee Experiment. HBOs docudrama, THE TUSKEGEE AIRMEN, is a good depiction of this era of Black Americans seeking acceptance as military pilots. Because of the opportunity provided by the Civilian Pilot Training Act, the number of Blacks in the ARMY AIR FORCE jumped from 2,250 in 1941 to over 145,000 by 1944. The two major groups to see combat as AAF men were the 99TH PURSUIT SQUADRON and the 332ND FIGHTER GROUP. Out of the 332nd Group came the 100th, 301st, and 302nd Squadrons under the command of Lieutenant Colonel BENJAMIN O. DAVIS, SR. , who became Americas FIRST AFRICAN AMERICAN GENERAL on October 25, 1940. By 1944, the 99th was added to the 332nd and participated in campaigns in Sicily, Rome, and Romania. The 99th and 332nd earned many DISTINGUISHED UNIT CITATIONS. These historical examples are but a small sample of the many great contributions and sacrifices made by black people in order to secure freedom and prosperity for this great nation. We owe them a debt than can never be fully repaid. If anything these great contributions should curtail any negative or racial thoughts toward such a magnanimous people. You would think that with all that has transpired throughout history, that we as a people could live and coexist together with peace and harmony. My only hope is that with time people will come to realize that we are all not that different from one another and that we can thrive together for a better future for all of us.

Freedom Through The Press :: essays research papers

Freedom Through The Press Tears streamed down a broken face That stared to the ground where his father lay At lexington was he dying this day For a battle lost, and a war begun. In a young boys hand, A father lifted his head To look at a son, so confused and afraid Who understood not, for what his father bled Why he would fight, What reason for death. And so as they looked eye to eye The boys innocent lips formed the question, why? Then With inhuman strength, A father lifts dying fingers to sky Pointing to a cloth, flying on high His heart burns like fire, beats like a drum As with his last breath he whispers FREEDOM! 56 men signed a Declaration of Independence, risking their lives. 1000's of men and boys died in the Revolutionary war, And 100's of 1000's more fought and died in wars to come. 56 men created and signed a document of government so perfect it has endured the test of time for over 200 years. Millions of people have given precious support in the fight for equality and against racism. For what reason did many people risk their lives and sacrifice so much? democracy: n. gov. by the people... Their hearts burned brightly with the fires of freedom. We have been handed a Democracy, handed freedom. And now we must either throw this heritage away, by taking it for granted or we must fight our own battle, a battle without bullets or threats, a battle for democracy. For Freedom isn't Free. We must rule ourselves. It is an almost an obvious fact that in order for us to rule, we need information. If the ruling body does not have information than it can do nothing but act blindly, without direction. This information comes from the media but, in order for the media accomplish this informative purpose, so that we the people can rule ourselves, can have a democracy, and can be free, we must do three things: Redefine democracy, Listen to the press, and control our press. Our first problem is to redefine democracy. Imagine, a young polish factory worker reads daily in papers that tell him he is free, because the communistic government allows elections. The Press tells him his government has the economy under control. Yet he finds himself spending his time and money standing in line to buy over-priced bread so his babies can live another day. Among the graffiti that began to appear in Poland was an especially significant complaint, Prasa klamie ("The press lies"). However, free media from countries like the U.

Process of Creativity :: essays research papers

The Process of Creativity The following is taken from Duane and Sarah Preble’s ARTFORMS, 5th edition. Footnotes and endnotes are omitted for ease of reading. Erich Fromm said, Creativity is an Attitude. We all have the potential to be creative, yet most of us were not encouraged to develop our creativity. We can do so by becoming willing to explore new relationships and insights. The source of all art, science and technology --- in fact, all of human civilizations --- is creative imagination, or creative thinking. As scientist Albert Einstein declared, â€Å"Imagination is more important than knowledge.† What do we mean by this ability we call creativity? Psychologist Erich Fromm wrote: In talking about creativity, let us first consider its two possible meanings: Creativity in the sense of creating something new, something which can be seen or heard by others, such as a painting, a sculpture, a symphony, a poem, a novel, etc., or creativity as an attitude, which is the condition of any creation in the former sense but which can exist even though nothing new is created in the world of things†¦ What is creativity? The best general answer I can give is that creativity is the ability to see (or to be aware) and to respond. Creativity is as fundamental to experiencing and appreciating a work of art as it is to making one. Insightful seeing is itself a creative act; it requires open receptivity --- putting aside habitual modes of thought. Studies of creativity have described traits of people who have maintained or rediscovered the creative attitude. These include the abilities to: ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  wonder and be curious ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  be open to new experience ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  see the familiar from an unfamiliar point of view ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  take advantage of accidental events ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  make one thing out of another by shifting its function ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  generalize from particulars in order to see broad applications ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  synthesize, integrate and find order in disorder ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  be in touch with unconscious sources, yet be intensely conscious ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  know oneself, have the courage to be oneself in the face of opposition ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  be willing to take risks ïÆ'˜Â  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  be persistent: to work for long periods ---- perhaps years ---- in pursuit of a goal The creative process of ten begins when on is inspired by an idea or faced with a problem. It can start with something as simple as â€Å"fooling around.† There are as many ways to create as there are creative people, but creative processes generally have certain sequential characteristics in common: 1.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Preparation - Framing or formulating the question(s) may be the most important step; information is gathered and open-minded exploration takes place.

A Rhetorical Analysis of: Evil is as Evil Does Essay

PURPOSE: The famous Greek philosopher Aristotle once said, concerning the art of rhetoric, â€Å"[it] is the faculty of discovering in every case the available means of persuasion.† A suitably eloquent phrase, the definition lends itself to images of momentous speeches amongst great crowds and heated debates in which the fluent, forceful language of one person casts a shadow over the rural diction of another. Leonard Pitts’ purpose in his article, Evil is as Evil Does, is to argue that, â€Å"The events of September 11 did not happen because we did something wrong. Or because we somehow ‘deserved’ them.† Pitts feels very strongly that we were attacked on September 11 â€Å"because certain religious extremists hate us.† Pitts is writing a heated response to the arguments and comments he has heard over the past couple of weeks concerning why we were attacked. AUDIENCE: Since this article was in a local professional newspaper for the public, Pitts’ audience would consist of people in Columbus, Georgia, regions close around the city, and in Florida because he is a writer for the Miami Herald. The audience would consist of mainly middle-aged, middle class people. Pitts seems to be aiming this article particularly at those who are trying to empathize and rationalize the terrorist attacks in New York City and Washington D.C. Pitts seems to feel they need to be convinced that evil cannot be rationalized and that the United States did not do anything to deserve these horrendous attacks. He says, although our â€Å"government has dirtied its hands in foreign affairs† we do not â€Å"drive planeloads of noncombatants into buildings filled with the same. And we don’t dance in the street when innocents die.† Therefore, he targets those who are trying to rationalize the motives of the terrorists because they are the people that are the most directly affected by the article, and the ones that need the most convincing. APPEALS: Pitts tries to reach his intended audience by making appeals to ethos, pathos, and logos. Throughout the article, he points out the facts of his argument, and then he relates them directly to his topic. Pitts shows ethos by making a logical argument for his own opinions, and attempting to persuade his audience to see his side. He uses logos to invent pathos for the attacks in order to draw out the emotions of the readers. For instance, he aggressively attacks those who are trying to figure out what we might have done to deserve what happened. Even his voice seems to be filled with anger and condescension. He argues, â€Å"Despite all of our transgressions, we don’t sanction the murder of those who have neither the capacity nor the intention to harm us.† Then, he reiterates that this is what the terrorists did. Pitts also argues that, â€Å"the claim that there might be some sort of moral equivalency between us and them is misguided at best, offensive at worst.† Here he relate his argument to pathos by stating that â€Å"Hell no,† we did nothing wrong and nothing to deserve these attacks. He claims that these attacks happened because the terrorists hate us. Pitts’ states that â€Å"they hate us because our foreign policy has been supportive of Israel. They hate us because we helped repel Saddam Hussein from Kuwait in 1991. They hate us because we are the biggest, the wealthiest, the most influential, and the most powerful. They hate us because we are not them, and, moreover, because they are not us.† STYLE: The style of this article is of a basic format. Pitts begins his article with a bold sentence to catch the attention of the reader. Kinneavy states in his book, â€Å"A Theory on Discourse†, that, â€Å"the distinctive function of the entrance paragraph is to introduce the subject and make clear the end and object of the speech† (Kinneavy, 266). He clearly introduces the purpose of his article in the first paragraph. He then transitions into his narrative and proof. He explains what propelled him to write this article and he proceeds with his proof as to why America is not at fault for the terrorist attacks. He concludes his article with another bold statement, which says, â€Å"We are right and they are evil. End of story.† This concluding paragraph shows the readers how strongly he feels about his argument. The reader can clearly see after reading this article that Pitts is using inductive reasoning to persuade his audience. The article was very easy to read and understand. There were no words that one would stumble over or that were hard to define and the paragraphs flowed and transitioned smoothly. The sentence structure was also varied well between long and short sentences. AUTHORITY: Pitts establishes his authority at the very beginning of the article by including his job title with his name: Leonard Pitts, Commentary. Right away, his audience is aware that he is an educated man because, otherwise, he would not be a writer for such a well-known newspaper as the Miami Herald. He is also an American, which, at this point, gives him good authority to write such an impassioned commentary concerning the recent attacks. Another thing that shows a writer to be credible is how one would define his character. Aristotle listed three aspects that would help with the credibility of a writer. â€Å"The speaker must appear to have a practical knowledge about the reality at issue, he must seem to have the good of the audience at heart, and he must portray himself as a person who would not deceive the audience in the matter at hand† (Kinneavy, 238). This is divided into good sense, good will, and good moral character. Pitts shows his good sense by showing his readers that he is well informed about the topic he is writing on. He goes through his article systematically, and reasonably refutes those people with which he does not agree. He shows his good will by explaining that we are better than the terrorists and the country they came from because we do not hurt innocent people on purpose or celebrate when they die. With his good will, he is establishing that as a fellow American, he does not, and will not empathize with the terrorists or anybody from the Middle East. Finally, Pitts expresses good moral character by showing his anger over the events mentioned. He also gives examples of the atrocities of the terrorists: flying airplanes into buildings filled with innocent people and â€Å"sanctioning the murder of those who have neither the capacity nor the intention to harm us.† He reminds those that are feeling sorry for the terrorists that Americans would never have done the evil things that terrorists do. He is expelling his good moral character by showing that he does not condone the acts of the terrorists. ORGANIZATION: Pitts starts his article with a quick and bold statement, â€Å"Let’s get one thing straight.† He then presents his thesis which states that we did not do anything wrong to deserve these attacks. He then begins to follow up with comments he has heard and e-mails he has received concerning why they believed the United States was attacked. Then he vehemently states that â€Å"In a word, no. To all of the above, to all the tortured reflection and moral distress: no. Hell no.† After this statement he proceeds to explain why he so adamantly disagrees with the empathetic reactions of the comments he has heard. First, he expresses acknowledgment that some people â€Å"might have legitimate reason for animosity toward this country.† He then transitions to state that although we might do things to cause anger in other countries, we do not respond in a violent and evil manner because of this. Pitts explains that when the United States is forced to take military action, we limit it to military targets and that we do not kill innocents on purpose. Pitts then states trying to change ourselves and the way we run this country in order to insure that â€Å"no one will ever steer a plane into one of our buildings again is foolishness.† Pitts then ties all these previous ideas together in his implications and conclusions section. He does not revisit each argument, but instead says that â€Å"they hate us† and â€Å"there is nothing about our enemies that deserves to be dignified by our moral distress.† He concludes his argument by asserting that â€Å"We are right and they are evil. End of Story.† EFFECTIVENESS: This article was a very effective argument. The author made a point by providing facts to support that point, and countering the opposition. The article flowed well, and the diction was not so complex that one could not understand. The passionate voice Pitts uses and the facts he provides clearly express his feelings on the issue at hand. I do agree with Pitts’ assertion that these attacks were not the fault of America and I also believe we did not deserve these vicious attacks. The acts of the terrorists were cowardly and evil. And in my own opinion, I believe that the attack backfired on them. Although they caused mass chaos and much pain, they also caused a revival of American pride and unity in our nation that has not been seen since World War II. Pitts’ article completely convinced me because I believe the same things that he does. We are certainly not a perfect nation and we do not always do the right things, but we do not condone the slaughter of innocent people, and there is no cause that would justify such an action. Works Cited 1. Kinneavy, James. A Theory of Discourse. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1980 2. Introduction To Aristotle. Co-Directors Sally Jackson and Scott Jacobs. San Francisco University. September 28, 2001 .

Economics of Slavery essays

Economics of Slavery essays The modern American economy traces its roots to the quest of European settlers for economic gain in the 16th The first people to occupy North America were Native Americans. These people were believed to have come from across the bridge from Asia. They were mistakenly called Indians by European explorers, who thought that they had reached India. These people lived in tribes and traded among themselves. They had little contact with other people. In 1492, Christopher Columbus, an Italian sailing under the Spanish flag, set out to find a passage to Asia and discovered a New World. From then on the English, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, and French sailed there looking for gold and riches. North America offered little to the new comers so many did not stay. Later in 1607 a band of Englishmen built the first settlement. Throughout the colonies, people lived mainly on small farms and were self-sufficient. Some necessities and all luxuries were imported in return for tobacco, rice, and indigo exports. By the 18th century patterns of development were clear. By 1770, the North American colonies were ready to become part of the emerging self-government movement. This led to the American Revolution. The Industrial Revolution began in Europe in the late 18th century and early 19th centuries, and it quickly spread to the US. The rapid economic development following the Civil War laid the groundwork for the modern US industrial economy. An explosion of new discoveries and inventions took place. From this time on the West would dominate in the global trade network. After the Portuguese had worked their way down the West African coast, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, ...

Iron essays

Iron essays Iron comes from the Latin word ferrum. From ferrum its symbol became Fe. The atomic number of iron is 26, and its atomic weight is 55.845. Iron is a magnetic, bendable, shiny white metallic element. Pure iron has a hardness that ranges from 4 to 5. It is soft and ductile. Iron can be easily magnetized at ordinary temperatures and at 790C the magnetic property disappears. Pure iron melts at about 1535C, boils at 2750C, and has a specific gravity of 7.86. Chemically, iron is an active metal. When exposed to humid air, iron forms a reddish-brown, flaky, decay known as rust. Iron is the fourth most abundant element in the Earths crust. Because it is so common, iron has been used by human society for thousands of years. Iron was known and used for weapons in prehistoric ages, the earliest example still in existence; a group of rusty iron beads found in Egypt, dates from about 4000BC. This period in history was given the name Iron Age because it was the time when people found ways to get iron and to use it for building tools and weapons. The beginnings of modern processing of iron can be traced back to central Europe in the mid-14th century BC. Pure iron has limited use in todays world. Commercial iron always contains small amounts of carbon and other impurities that change its physical properties, which are much improved by the further addition of carbon and other alloying elements. This helps to prevent oxidation, also known as rust. Iron is an essential part of a healthy diet. Iron compounds are employed for medicinal purposes in the treatment of anemia, when the amount of hemoglobin or the number of red blood corpuscles in the blood is lowered. Iron is a component of the complex compound in red blood cells called hemoglobin. This substance is responsible for carrying oxygen from your lungs to the rest of your body. ...